Jonathan Allen
Meanwhile,
 as Democrats moved one step closer to a House floor vote on impeachment
 that they expect to hold before Christmas, a string of current and 
former administration officials collectively described for the House 
Intelligence Committee over the last two weeks how the president 
directed a concerted effort to aid his own re-election efforts at the 
expense of U.S. national security interests.
"The question 
for impeachment is abuse of power," said Kim Wehle, a professor at the 
University of Baltimore School of Law who worked on Independent Counsel 
Kenneth Starr's investigation of President Bill Clinton.
"There
 is no Trump narrative laying out a legitimate public policy rationale 
for how the president, through Giuliani, treated Ukraine — by refusing a
 meeting and withholding aid needed to fight Russia — other than 
entrenching his own power."
Trump's counter-offensive was left to 
Republican allies, who spent most of their time during the hearings suggesting
 that the president was justifiably concerned that Ukraine had framed 
Russia for interfering in the 2016 election to harm him and that matters
 involving Biden merited an investigation announcement ordered up by the
 president and pursued by senior executive branch officials.
 
Fiona
 Hill, the former deputy national security adviser under Trump, 
testified Thursday that the idea that Ukraine interfered in the 2016 
campaign is a "fictional narrative" that was "perpetrated and 
propagated" by Russia.
Republicans on the 
committee repeatedly noted that none of the witnesses were able to cite 
Trump directly conditioning aid on Ukraine opening political 
investigations, and 
Ambassador to the European Union Gordon Sondland testified that the president told him    "no quid pro quo" when Sondland asked what the president wanted from Ukraine in order to free up the money in early september
 
wever, the White House was already aware at 
that point of a whistleblower complaint making its way through the 
intelligence community's inspector general's office and the Justice 
Department that alleged the president had improperly conditioned the 
money on the announcement 

of the probes.
 
David
 Holmes, a U.S. diplomat posted in Kyiv who also testified Thursday, 
said that former National Security Adviser John Bolton told an aide to 
Zelenskiy on Aug. 27 that the unfreezing of military aid was conditioned
 on the Ukrainian president making a favorable impression on Trump at a 
planned meeting in Warsaw.
"By this point, 
however, my clear impression was that the security assistance hold was 
likely intended by the president either as an expression of 
dissatisfaction that the Ukrainians had not yet agreed to the 
Burisma/Biden investigation or as an effort to increase the pressure on 
them to do so," 
Holmes testified.
 
Ultimately,
 though, several of the witnesses who listened to a July 25 phone call 
between Trump and Zelenskiy — or later read a reconstructed White House 
transcript of it — concluded that the president, who already had put a 
stop on the money, was connecting the assistance to the "favor" he asked
 Zelinskiy to do in looking into Biden and the election-interference 
issue.
 
"We heard Democrats lay out the elements of 
bribery through witnesses," Wehle said of the possibility of impeachment
 articles that go beyond "high crimes and misdemeanors" based on abuse 
of power. "And we know they are concerned about witness intimidation and
 obstruction of subpoenas."
Much of that remains to be determined, though
House
 officials tell NBC News that the Judiciary Committee, which is 
responsible for drafting articles of impeachment, is likely to take up 
the next stage of the process after Thanksgiving, which may include 
hearings of its own.
 
 
 
 
"We could have a 
Judiciary hearing as early as that first week after Thanksgiving," said a
 senior Democratic aide familiar with internal party discussions.
The process there would be relatively quick, according to a House Democratic leadership aide.
"I
 think they're very happy," the aide said of party leaders. "We probably
 would vote on it on the floor the third week of December."
They
 say they are satisfied that they have built the case that the 
president's actions merit impeachment — but have their work cut out for 
them in swaying 20 or more Republicans to vote to oust him.
So far, no Senate Republican has said Trump's conduct justifies removal from office.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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